Chapter 1	Prout in a Nutshell Volume 4 Part 19 [a compilation]

The vast area of eastern India comprising West Bengal, Bangladesh, Tripura and Assam has a distinctive climate which is hot and humid. Because of the proximity to the sea, the cold and heat is not extreme, yet there is some difference between the climate of the eastern and western parts. The climate of the western part is comparatively hot and dry, and the temperature reaches 120 degrees Fahrenheit in summer, but in winter it comes down to 45 degrees Fahrenheit. The climate of the eastern part, that is, Tripura and Assam, is comparatively wet and humid. The amount of average rainfall in the Ráŕh area in the western region varies from 50 to 55 inches, whereas the rainfall in the eastern part, in Assam and Meghalaya, is 508 inches. In the north, in Darjeeling and Jalpaiguri, the amount of rainfall is 120 inches per year. In the Sundarban area in the south, the average rainfall is 100 inches. As the southeastern monsoon moves west it lashes the Himalayas, causing rainfall in Assam, Tripura, Bangladesh, West Bengal, Ráŕh and Bihar, but the more it proceeds westward, the more the moisture in the air decreases.

The geographical environment largely controls and influences the food habits, dress, daily activities and behaviour of the local population. The local climate even controls the moods and sentiments, ethnic characteristics and social habits of the people. People who live in humid climates tend to be less active than the inhabitants of a comparatively dry area. The humidity and heat in the climate together bring down the level of activity of the local inhabitants, and make them somewhat averse to physical labour.

By applying this principle, one will discover that the more one proceeds towards the west of India, and the amount of the humidity decreases, the more the inhabitants become active and proficient. A dry climate increases the working power of the inhabitants, and this is the reason why the people of western India are physically more industrious than the inhabitants of eastern India.

The Punjab is the westernmost state of India, and Assam is the easternmost state. With respect to humidity and dryness, there is a tremendous difference in the climate of these two regions. The climatic differences have brought about differences in the food habits, clothing, social customs and characteristics of the people. The Punjabis of the westernmost part of India live in the driest climate and are physically more active and tire less easily than the people of the other states, whereas the Assamese, living in the humid and wet regions of eastern India, are much less active and more lethargic than the people in the rest of the country. This is why the Punjabis find it easy to settle in any part of India, but the people of eastern India find it difficult to settle down and labour hard in the dry regions of the west. The people of the east cannot adjust and compete physically with the more industrious population of the west.

This is also the reason why the refugees from East Bengal who settled in India after partition could not successfully adjust with the hot and dry climate of Dandyakaranya in Madhya Pradesh. Of course, their inability to adjust also had an economic cause, because they were not provided with an adequate means of livelihood. In comparison, the East Bengal refugees who settled in Assam, Meghalaya and the Andaman Islands easily adjusted with the local environment. The main reason for this was that the refugees in these areas readily adapted to the local climate. The refugees who settled in Dandyakaranya are still regarded as a floating population, whereas those in the eastern states – Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Tripura and Manipur – are permanently settled. They have cleared the land in certain areas, constructed villages and developed stable means of livelihood.

The East Wet theory of population provides the natural and scientific solution to the refugee problem, because according to this theory the people can take full advantage of the local climatic conditions. The East Bengal refugees who settled in eastern India were able to utilize their working capacity, and they established permanent homes in the eastern regions. They totally identified with the economic interests of the local population who were already settled there. To try and dislodge them would not only be unscientific, but also inhuman.

The Congress leaders, on the eve of the partition of Bengal, repeatedly promised the minority community of East Bengal that they could settle in any part of India. The East Bengal minorities believed these promises and accepted the partition of Bengal. Now an agitation is going on in Assam to try and expel the East Bengal refugees who settled there. The central government should adhere to its original promise and negotiate with the Assamese agitators to ensure the welfare of the refugees who settled in Assam.

Most of the refugees who settled in Nadia and 24 Parganas districts in Bengal have become the permanent residents of these areas. They have had no difficulty whatsoever in utilizing their physical capacities, because they are the members of almost the same physico-socio-economic zone and enjoy the congenial atmosphere of the local climate. However, some of the refugees who settled in 24 Parganas are still a floating population even now, because sufficient means of livelihood has so far not been made available to them.

The psychological defect of a floating population is this – the people fail to accept a new locality as their own home, so they cannot forget the land they left behind. This is the reason why the speed of their socio-economic integration and progress is slower than that of the local people.

Chapter 2	Prout in a Nutshell Volume 4 Part 19 [a compilation]

The British Parliament – the Upper House or the House of Lords and the Lower House or the House of Commons – has its seat in the capital of Great Britain, that is, in London. When English became the official language of Great Britain, the Welsh and Scottish languages lost their recognition. Nowadays, as a result of so many movements, the Welsh language is taught only at the primary stage, and the Scottish language has not as yet been recognized. That is, people in these countries have to read English, although English is not their natural tongue.

Now, on the other side of the Irish Sea is the island of Ireland. England occupied all these three countries – Wales, Scotland and Ireland – and the country became known as Great Britain, The national anthem of the country became: “Rule Britannia, rule over the sea, rule Britannia…” On this conquered island, the Irish people were very reluctant to recognize the rule of Great Britain, so they started their struggle for independence.

About forty to fifty years ago, they were successful in their fight. A girl from Ireland was married to a boy from Spain. The girl had much paternal property, so she did not go to Spain to her husband’s house, rather her husband came to Ireland and settled down there. The name of that Spanish gentleman was Mr. De Valera, and he and his wife had one son. The mother was Irish and the father was Spanish, but the son was born in Ireland and developed a deep Irish sentiment. He took the lead of the war of independence to free Ireland. His name was Mr. De Valera, the hero of Ireland. As a result of continuous fighting for more than 20 years, Great Britain, recognized Ireland’s suzerainty.

When Ireland became a part of Great Britain, the name of the country was changed to Great Britain and Ireland. The abbreviation is the UK, that is, the United Kingdoms of Britain and Ireland, with its capital at London; that is, the United Kingdoms of England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland.

Although Britain recognized the independent status – the state – of Ireland, as you know the British followed the policy of “divide and rule”. As a result of continuous fighting for over 60 years, Britain recognized the independence of India, but while leaving the country, Britain divided India into India and Pakistan. The case with Ireland was similar. When the British handed over power to Mr. De Valera, they divided the country into Northern Ireland and Southern Ireland. Many settlers came from England and settled down in the extreme northern portion of the country. In the same way the Chinese sent many people to settle in Tibet so that the Chinese population would outnumber the population of Tibet, and finally Tibet would become a part of China. When Manchuria was occupied by Japan it was renamed Manchu-ko, and many Japanese settlers were sent there so that the Manchurians would be outnumbered by the foreigners. The same thing happened in the case of Ireland. England sent many people to settle in the northern corner of the country.

In Angadesh, many Bhojpurii speaking settlers have come into Bhagalpur and Purnia Districts, and there is a chance of them becoming the majority community, outnumbering the Angiks. Many Bhojpurii speaking people have come to the Jamui sub-division of Magadh, and there is a chance of the Magadhis being outnumbered by the Bhojpuris. In the Manerampir Thana, Bihar area and Chor area, many Bhojpurii speaking people are coming from Ara and Satra, and there is a chance that the Magadhi people will be outnumbered by the Bhojpuris who may take the area as part of Bhojpuri. Many Bhojpurii speaking people have settled down inside those districts and there is every chance they may outnumber the local people.

The case of Ireland was similar. With the instigation of Britain, the people of Northern Ireland, the settlers, started a movement demanding that, “We want to remain with Great Britain and with the United Kingdom and not with Ireland and De Valera.” So Britain followed its policy of divide and rule and divided Ireland into two portions, Northern Ireland and Southern Ireland. Northern Ireland was about one fifth of the total area and Southern Ireland about four fifths of the total area. As per the Irish Act, Northern Ireland remains in the United Kingdom along with Great Britain. That is, nowadays, the United Kingdom means the United Kingdoms of England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland, and Southern Ireland is a completely independent country.

Ireland is a damp country, saucer-like: the border portions are up and the middle portion is low. The main crop is potato; potato is the staple food. People eat potato, sweet potato, porridge, custard, etc. But the country is not industrially developed, and agriculturally also it is not developed much. Although this divided island, this truncated Ireland, got independence, Ireland is not yet united.

Northern Ireland, which remained part of the United Kingdom, with Great Britain, is now known as Northern Ireland or Ulster, and has its capital at Belfast. Southern Ireland, that is four fifths of the land, which is known as Southern Ireland, the Irish Free State or Eire, has its capital at Dublin. The English pronounce Dublin as Dub-lin. Officially, its name is the Irish Free State. The first president was Mr. De Valera. After his death a new president was chosen. The Irish people do not like the British people or the English people. The great litterateur George Bernard Shaw was Irish.

Now I have given you the history of Ireland, Ulster and Eire in brief. The northern portion, Ulster, remains with the UK and Great Britain, while the southern portion is called the Irish Free State. The language of the Irish Free State is still Irish, but Irish is not a developed language. English is taught and read everywhere. The official language is also English, but the government is trying to develop the Irish language. This is the short history of Ireland. I hope you enjoyed it.

Chapter 3	Prout in a Nutshell Volume 4 Part 19 [a compilation]

Bangladesh is an extremely poor country. It produces untanned hide and raw jute, which it sells in the international market, but it has virtually no metallic minerals and only some non-metallic minerals such as petroleum and natural gas. So we may say that Bangladesh is a deficit, undeveloped country with only few resources. For such a country barter is the best system of international trade.

If Bangladesh sells manufactured jute and tanned leather instead of raw jute and untanned leather, will it be better off? A huge capital investment is required to properly develop the jute industry, and as there are many synthetic fibres today which compete with jute, such a large capital investment is hardly worthwhile. Moreover, different types of synthetic leather which are more durable than leather products are also readily available. So on the one hand jute is being replaced by artificial fibre, and on the other hand leather is being replaced by synthetic leather.

The experience of India shows that the jute industry is a sick industry because it is not able to compete with synthetic fibres. Many Indian jute growers have stopped producing raw jute, so manufacturers now have less supply. The government started paying subsidies to the growers in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Assam to encourage them to produce more raw jute for consumption by the jute mills, but how long can the government continue to subsidize the jute industry? Obviously, government subsidies cannot continue for an indefinite period of time.

Thailand also produces manufactured jute, so if Bangladesh continues to manufacture raw jute it will have to compete with Thailand. The quality of the jute from Thailand is better than that from Bangladesh. Thailand is an ordinary developed country, not an undeveloped country, although its economy is based on agriculture. So if Thailand loses its jute market it can find alternatives by manufacturing other products. But if Bangladesh loses its market, it has no alternatives because its economy is undeveloped.

Previously, the British used to process Indian jute in Dundee in Scotland. At that time there were no jute mills in India. After the British left India, the Dundee jute industry had great trouble in getting raw jute, because India built its own jute mills. With much difficulty, the British transformed their jute mills to manufacture other commodities. Similarly, the Manchester cotton mills used to produce cotton cloth from Indian raw cotton, and they also had great difficulty in getting supplies of raw cotton to sustain their industry after Indian independence.

Take another example. India used to export indigo and get foreign exchange. When synthetic indigo was invented in West Germany, indigo exports stopped because the international market disappeared. Today indigo plants grow by the roadside in India and nobody bothers to collect them.

The lessons of history suggest that no country should invest huge amounts of money in industries which rely on supplies of raw materials from other countries. At present Japan is an exception to this rule. However, if the people in those countries which supply raw materials to Japan become politically conscious and start developing industries based on their own raw materials, Japan will face great difficulty. For example, the Paredeep Port in Orissa exports huge amounts of manganese and iron ore to Japan. If the poor people of this region become politically conscious, they will demand the establishment of their own industries and exports to Japan will cease.

Japan purchases scrap iron from other countries to supply its steel plants, but whenever possible the Japanese save steel and use alternatives. In their train bogies, for instance, there is virtually no steel, yet their trains are among the fastest in the world. In Rangoon there is a very large scrap yard which exports to Japan. Paredeep also exports coal to Japan. The most astonishing thing is that Japan imports these raw materials and is still able to manufacture relatively cheap steel. This is because Japan is an economically developed and technologically advanced country.

Orissa is one of the most backward states in India, yet the foolish leaders of the country export Orissa’s iron ore and coal. Instead they should develop many types of large-scale and small-scale industries in Hirakund in Orissa. The situation has not gone past the point of no return, and there is still time for India to develop industries based on its own raw materials.

Suppose Bangladesh stops the manufacture of jute and increases the production of rice, what will happen? It will become self-sufficient in food but it will not have any raw materials for commercial transactions with other countries. Without commercial transactions, a country cannot prosper. If commercial transactions are stopped, how will Bangladesh purchase essential items like dried chillies, pulses and oilseeds which it presently imports from India? This is a critical problem confronting Bangladesh today.

The time of jute cultivation is from the end of winter to the end of the rainy season. If jute is replaced, we have to consider whether anything else can be grown in this season. At this time, only sesame oil-seeds can be grown. Linseed cannot be grown because it is not a rainy season crop – it is a winter crop. If ways can be found through scientific methods to grow linseed in large quantities during the summer and rainy seasons, this will greatly help Bangladesh, because linseed oil has a huge international market as a lubricant, and it can be thickened to make thick oil. But this is not an immediate solution – it is only a long-term solution. As it is presently difficult to find an alternative to jute, it is not wise to discontinue jute production immediately.

So what is the way out for Bangladesh? Some people advocate that jute should be mixed with synthetic fibres and wool to develop demi-jute industries, or that ordinary nylon, not sophisticated nylon, should be extracted from the stem of jute plants. While such industries should be developed, if nothing more than this is done then the most that can be said of this approach is that it is only a partial solution.

Just after the independence of India, jute was a state item; that is, the West Bengal government had the responsibility of developing the jute industry. The Chief Minister, Bidhan Chandra Roy, urged the central government to make jute a central item, because he could foresee that the jute industry would face economic problems in the future.

The communists vehemently opposed this plan; nevertheless jute was made a central item. Today even the central government is not able to subsidize the jute industry sufficiently to make it healthy. If jute had remained a state item, how much more trouble would the jute industry be in today?

To solve the socio-economic problems confronting Bangladesh, there must be proper planning and the implementation of suitable developmental programmes, but these plans and programmes should be based on the availability of local raw materials. For proper planning one must have a thorough knowledge of the locality. One should not sit at some distant place and make plans without proper knowledge.

What sort of developmental programmes should be taken up by Bangladesh? Some people advocate the widespread establishment of the coconut industry in Dhaka district. Although the soil of Dhaka is very fertile, the salinity is very low. Saline soil is essential for good coconut harvests, so Dhaka is not an ideal place to grow coconuts. Rather, palmyra can be grown there very well. Coconut based industries should be established in the Noakhali district of Bangladesh. Plastic can be manufactured from the husks of coconuts.

Maymansingh district is not very suitable for coconuts and the coconuts that grow there are large. Coconuts grow best in Jessore district. Those districts in India which touch Jessore district – that is, Nadia and 24 Parganas – can also establish profitable coconut based industries, and in all these places the plastic industry can be developed.

What are the natural resources of Bangladesh? There are hardly any minerals in Bangladesh, thus there is little scope for developing ferrous industries. The whole economy has to be planned around non-mineral resources. However, some non-ferrous industries can be developed, as Bangladesh has supplies of oil and natural gas.

Before starting any industry, first the planners have to ensure that there is an adequate supply of power. In Bangladesh hydroelectricity is not possible because the rivers are in the deltaic stage. Hydroelectricity can only be generated when rivers are in the hilly stage and flow with much force.

Two types of power can be developed in Bangladesh – power from oceanic tides, and solar energy. Oceanic tides can be harnessed in the Bakargang subdivision of Noakhali district where the Meghana River enters the ocean, and in the Chandpur subdivision of British Tripura district where the Dakatiya River enters the ocean. Many waves and turbulences are created by the impact of these rivers when they enter the Bay of Bengal. Tidal power would be very cheap to harness there. Solar power can also be harnessed, but this source of power is not so developed yet. It will become increasingly important in the future.

There is not much opportunity for developing thermal power based on coal in Bangladesh. In the Maymansingh and Chittagong districts, coal which has not been fully metamorphosed can be found. However, this coal will take another 800,000 to 1,000,000 years to be transformed into good quality coal. At that time human beings will not live on this earth. To develop thermal power by importing coal would not prove to be a very wise plan!

However, bio-gas can be produced in large quantities. If bio-gas is developed it will also help alleviate the scarcity of manure which is chronic in Bangladesh. Manure derived from bio-gas plants is a natural manure which increases the fertility of the soil. It is especially good for growing vegetables, some pulses, and jackfruit.

Horticulture must also be developed. The soil in Bangladesh is not good for growing mustard seeds, cow pea or mangoes. Large mangoes can be grown, but due to the high rainfall, they will be easily infected by insects; but rice, lentil, bananas, supari and jackfruit can grow well. Bangladesh is a country with a damp climate, so crops which grow in the Mediterranean and tropical regions will grow best. The crops of the temperate zone, such as grapes and wheat for making pasta, are not suitable.

Previously Bangladesh was self-sufficient in fish, but now it is deficient. This is because there is no rotten vegetation in the ponds, streams and rivulets to provide food for the fish. Deforestation has caused this problem. In the past there were 2,400 square kilometres of forest in Bangladesh, but now it is doubtful if there are even 1,000 square kilometres. Today people are even cutting down all the vines and trees along the river banks to manufacture paper. This is causing the river banks to cave in, and consequently the rivers are losing their depth. If Bangladesh were self-sufficient in fish production, it could also extract calcium from fish bones. Bangladesh should immediately start large-scale afforestation and set aside some areas as reserve forests.

Large-scale pineapple production can also be undertaken throughout Bangladesh. Pineapples need sixty inches of rain per year. The average rainfall in Bangladesh is eighty inches per year, except in one district, where it is sixty-five inches. Medicine and thread can be produced from the leaves of the pineapple, and the thread can be used to manufacture very fine quality clothing for men and women. Thread can also be manufactured from the skin of pineapples. Lychee can be produced in Jessore district. Mulberry silk will grow well only in Rajsahi district, but endy silk can be produced in all districts. Cotton cannot grow well in Bangladesh.

Some of the land which is currently used for cultivating jute can be used for mulberry silk, and the wood of the mulberry tree can be used to manufacture wood products such as sports goods for export. Rayon can also be obtained from mulberry wood. If mulberry wood is hardened it becomes as hard as iron. Sal wood can be grown in very large amounts, and segun is also suitable. However, it is not wise to plant segun as it takes eighty years to reach maturity, while sal takes only twenty-five to thirty years. Kul trees, which provide tasar silk and shellac, can also be grown, but it is not wise to develop the shellac industry because plastics have taken the place of shellac, so it has no market.

Bananas can also be grown on a large scale. Bananas with seeds grow naturally on the banks of ponds throughout Bangladesh, but high yielding, good quality and well selected bananas should be cultivated instead to produce banana chips and dehydrated bananas. By burning banana trees, sodium carbonate or washing soda can be obtained. By hydrogenation, sodium bicarbonate or edible soda can also be manufactured. This industry has great potential, and Bangladesh can even supply sodium bicarbonate to the whole world.

Today all of Bangladesh is moving in a completely unplanned way, and as a result the people are becoming very agitated. To divert their attention, the government is taking advantage of their ignorance and seizing on non-issues such as declaring the country an Islamic state.

Proper planning is essential for Bangladesh. Until the people are educated, proper planning is not possible and mismanagement will continue. I am not saying you should make the people politically educated – it may or may not be possible for you to do this – but at least you should make them politically conscious.

Chapter 4	Prout in a Nutshell Volume 4 Part 19 [a compilation]

Since the dawn of human civilization Tripura has been a part of Bengal. In fact, Tripura is nearly as old as Ráŕh. Its soil, water, people and language are the same as those of Gondwanaland. The ancient Bengali people have been living in Tripura since time immemorial.

Five hundred years ago Tripura was called “Shriibhum”. The name “Tripura” is not very old. Present day Tripura, Noakhali, Hilly Tripura, Kachar, Manipur, Chittagong, Chittagong Hill Tracts and a part of the Arakan kingdom constituted the land of Shriibhum. In old records Shriibhum was called “Upabanga”. Upa means “nearer” and Banga means “Bengal”. The original inhabitants of Upabanga were all Bengalees, except for a group of tribals called “Tipprah” who lived in one small region. About 550 years ago, these Tipprah tribals came from northern Burma under the leadership of Mu-Chang-Fa and settled in Tripura permanently. Later, they defeated the Hindu king in the area and established the kingdom of Tripura. Since that time, the part of Shriibhum under Mu-Chang-Fa was called “Tripura”, as it was the land under Tipprah administration.

Around the same time a movement for cultural synthesis under the leadership of Caetańya Mahaprabhu was going on in Bengal. Caetańya went to Tripura to preach his Vaeśńava philosophy. Mu-Chang-Fa and the members of his royal family were very impressed with Caetańya’s ideas and the rich Bengali language he spoke, so they took initiation from him. The king also embraced Bengali culture as his own culture. After that all the members of the royal family took Bengali names instead of tribal ones and adopted Bengali instead of their tribal language as the family and court language. From that time up to the last days of British rule in India, Bengali was the official language of Tripura, and Bengali culture was the culture of the region.

The Tripura tribals have their own dialect called the “Kak-Barak” dialect, which is of Burmese origin. However, this dialect does not have all the characteristics of a complete language. After independence Bengali was replaced by Hindi or English. Under the regime of the Left Front government, the communist leaders, in an effort to materialize their separatist designs, recognized the Kak-Barak dialect as the official state language. They imposed this dialect, which is spoken by 700,000 tribals, on the 1,750,000 Bengali people in the state. Thus, the communists dealt a severe blow to the cultural synthesis which had been taking place between the original Bengalees and the tribals in Tripura for the previous several hundred years.

During the ancient Hindu, Buddhist, Pathan and Mughal periods, and even in the British period, Tripura was economically self-sufficient, but Tripura’s economy received a severe set back with the partition of Bengal in 1947. According to the decision of the Radcliffe Commission, the part of Tripura rich in agricultural potentialities was included in East Pakistan, and the other part, consisting of hills, forests and jungles, was given to the Indian Union. Thus, in the constitutional structure of the Indian Union, the hilly, undeveloped areas took the shape of the economically shattered state of present-day Tripura.

Since independence, Tripura has fallen prey to negligence, deprivation and exploitation. In the interests of Indian capitalism, Tripura has been kept at the mercy of the central government, and has barely been able to maintain its existence. Now the abject poverty of the 2,450,000 people of Tripura has become a weapon in the hands of the political parties in the state, who try to use it for their own political gain. Severe economic insecurity and an atmosphere of political violence have been deliberately encouraged in Tripura to check the awakening political consciousness of the people. Tripura has been forced to pass through many traumatic and violent events because of the manipulation of political leaders. In addition, nearly seventy percent of Tripura’s land has been distributed among the 700,000 tribals through the Autonomous District Council Act, depriving many of the 1,750,000 Bengali people of land. The present situation in the state is the result of a far-reaching anti-Bengali campaign by the central government and an anti-national, separatist conspiracy by the communists in Tripura.

Despite Tripura’s current economic and political instability, the region has a very bright future because it is rich in natural resources. The topography of Tripura is shaped like a saucer – the outer border area is more elevated than the inner central portion. In this respect it resembles Ireland. The main differences between the two are that the hills and subterranean rock structure of Tripura are composed of granite, so Tripura is more rocky, but Ireland is colder. Although Ireland is not very developed, it can serve as a useful model while preparing socio-economic developmental programmes for Tripura.

In ancient times, large forests inhabited by elephants and rhinoceroses grew in the inner part of Tripura, and the provincial towns and agricultural areas were located around the borders of the outer rim. The soil in the inner portion is very suitable for growing cashew nuts, pineapples and bananas. Generally, the soil covering the granite rocks throughout Tripura is sticky soil which is ideal for agriculture, and especially for growing oranges. The border area touching Bangladesh is a rain-shadow area.

There is tremendous agricultural potentiality in Tripura. However, due to the granite bedrock, the aman variety of paddy will not grow well; the áus variety grows better. Áus paddy may be followed by chilli cultivation. Chilli is a good cash crop because it is in great demand in Bangladesh. When the land is still wet after harvesting the áus paddy, dry chillies can be sown. Dry chillies need to be watered like wheat. Where there is a scarcity of water, small gram can also be grown.

Huge quantities of red skinned potatoes can be grown as in Ireland, where the people eat a lot of potatoes and porridge. Tripura can grow enough potatoes to feed the whole of Assam, and the powered potato industry can flourish. On the higher land potatoes, pineapples, and cashew nuts can be grown, while bananas can be grown on the lower land. Ginger of all varieties – white, yellow and black – can also be grown. Large quantities of arum can also be grown, but arum takes nearly one year to mature. You should also know the types and locations of the mixed crops.

Tripura can grow the second best bamboo in the world after Mizoram, hence paper mills can be started. Hollow bamboo (phánpá bansh) is the best type for paper production.

More sugar beet than sugar cane should be cultivated, because four sugar beet crops a year can be grown in Tripura instead of just one sugar cane crop. Sugar beet can produce sugar but not gúr, and it is a good cash crop. Gúr can be produced from sugar cane and the waste can be used to manufacture good quality paper. The seeds of sugar beet should be grown in cold climates, and the best places are Himachal Pradesh and Kashmir. However, it is best to produce seeds in one’s own land. Both agro-industries and agrico-industries can be started.

Alcohol, pharmaceuticals, medicinal plants and silk can all be produced in Tripura, and inferior quality coal is available. Once upon a time Tripura was part of a sargasso sea, so there is also scope for producing oil.

You should have a blended knowledge of the soil condition, the river systems, irrigation, the power and energy supply, the mineral resources, the culture of the people, and the agricultural, horticultural and industrial possibilities. The future of Tripura is very bright if socio-economic planning is done in a proper way.

Chapter 5	Prout in a Nutshell Volume 4 Part 19 [a compilation]

Human beings are not isolated beings. Each human being is universal. The longing for physical and psychic pabula comes from Neohumanism, and these longings should be guaranteed by PROUT. Neohumanism is universal humanism. Not a single person should be confined to a particular area. Each and every human being is universal. PROUT is the practical approach. It keeps in view factors such as water, soil, body, mind and mental faculties in combination, in association, and in friendly contact with other developed creatures. PROUT and Neohumanism will free the world from all difficulties.

To achieve all this a healthy economy is essential, and for a healthy economy there must be proper planning. Planning should include factors such as population, local conditions, socio-economic potentiality, the sentimental legacy of the people, and the availability of raw materials; otherwise economic progress is not possible.

In a healthy economy raw materials should come from the local area. Industries which are based on imported raw materials are always weak industries, sick industries. A sick economy depends upon raw materials from outside – it depends upon inputs. For example, the Barauni Oil Refinery in Bihar is a sick industry because it depends upon crude oil from Assam. If there is any disturbance in Assam or if India is balkanized, then the refinery will have to close down. The establishment of this refinery was a foolish act. It does not represent a healthy economic structure. It is a sick industry, a foolish industry, a stupid industry!

The economy of the area and the social life of the people should be balanced. The development of big industries alone should be avoided, because in such industries the local people have no place. As one moves from the north to the south of Bihar, there is increasing surplus labour.

In Bihar many types of healthy industries can be established. For example, in northern Bihar healthy industries based on concentrated alcohol derived from sugar beet and sugar cane can be established, and the residual pulp can be used in the paper industry. Fossil fuels are fast diminishing; they should be replaced by concentrated alcohol. Motor cars can run on this fuel.

To properly organize and accelerate socio-economic development, Bihar should be divided into five socio-economic units – Mithila, Magadh, Nagpuri, Angadesh and Bhojpuri. Magadh, Nagpuri and Angadesh are the three socio-economic units which are entirely within Bihar. Mithila and Bhojpuri include portions outside Bihar. Let us briefly discuss a few features of each of these units.

Mithila

Mithila includes eight districts from India and four districts from Nepal. The boundaries of this socio-economic unit are as follows – in the north the Himalayas, in the south the Ganges, in the east Angadesh, and in the west the Kali-Koshi River. The first Maethilii literature was written 900 years ago by the first poet of Mithila, Jyotiriishvar Thákur, and was called Varńa Ratnákara.

In the Mithila area of Bihar, Maethil Brahmins, Káyasthas and Dogamayas speak Maethilii and the rest of the population, including the Bhumihars, speak Angika. The Dogamayas are neither Bhumihars nor Maethils, and they only speak Maethilii. Groups such as the Rajputs, Yadavas, Kurmis, Kuiris, and Káyasthas such as the Amustha Káyasthas and Srivástava Káyasthas, speak Angika. The Maethil Brahmins speak Maethilii at home but Angika outside the home, and the Dogamayas do the same, therefore Maethilii is not the people’s language there.

The Paswans and Pasis also speak Angika and not Maethilii. There are two communities of Pasis – the Trisuniya Pasis and the Byadhá Pasis. Those who live in Madhusalai are Trisuniya Pasis and speak Angika. Those who live in Magadh are Byadhá Pasis and speak Magahii.

The Trisuniya Pasis have black complexions and they speak in a direct way. The Byadhá Pasis are dark skinned, but not as black as the Trisuniya Pasis.

The Brahmins always speak Maethilii in their homes but Angika outside. Where all the castes speak Maethilii, the language of the non-Maethil Brahmins, the non-Maethil Káyasthas and the non-Dogamayas is influenced by Angika.

Around Muzzaffarpur there is rich, loose alluvial soil which is extremely good for horticulture, tropical fruits, juicy Mediterranean fruits, and pulses. Nitrogenous soil is not very good for winter paddy, though it is good for growing jute. However, the jute industry does not have a bright future, so it should not be encouraged. Rather, the remi silk industry and the artificial synthetic fibre industry should be developed.

Bihar must not try to establish two or three oil refineries because they will be uneconomic. Moreover, although there are deposits of oil under the ground on the Nepal border, no steel industry should be developed because there are not sufficient quantities of red hematite or coal. Nevertheless, many healthy industries based on local raw materials can be developed. For example, high-quality concentrated alcohol fuel can be produced from sugar beet and sugar cane. Concentrated alcohol can replace fossil fuels, as the stock of crude oil is fast diminishing.

In addition, the hardened bamboo industry can be developed. If the internal knots in bamboo poles are removed, hardened bamboo pipes which are as strong as steel can be manufactured. The entire Himalayan foothills have abundant bamboo, but no bamboo industry has so far been established in Muzzaffarpur. If this industry is properly developed, it can capture the world market. You should go to the public and explain all these things.

Magadh

About 4,000 years ago Magahii was the most important language in all India. Magahii is 5,000 years old and it has its own speciality which is not found in any other language. The four dialects of Magahii are Aurangabad, Central Magahii of Nalanda, Mungeria and Magaribadh. Magahii is spoken by nearly 30 million people and is the most widely spoken language in Bihar.

Patna, Biharsharif and Gaya are big cities which have a population of more than 100,000 people. The entire population of Bihar is about 80 million people.

What is the topographical order of Magadh? Where are the different stages of the main rivers? In the rainy season, sufficient water passes through rivers such as the Falgu and Sone. In the plain stage of Mithila there is very soft soil, and this is why the rivers in Mithila always change their courses. No river has its delta stage in Mithila – the hill stages of all are in Nepal, the plain stages in Mithila and the delta stages in Bengal. So to tame the rivers, the cooperation of Bengal and Nepal is required. Unlike in Mithila, in Magadh the hill, plain and delta stages of the rivers are all in Magadh, except for the Suvarnarekha, which flows just on the border line between southern Magadh and northern Chattisgarh. The Koel River must be tamed through the cooperation of Magadh and Kaoshal. Magadh and Kaoshal share many common problems.

Although Singhbhum district is in Bihar, it should be included in the socio-economic unit of Bangalistan. It has red laterite soil and the land is full of valleys and hills. The northern portion is located between hills, ranges and valleys, and includes the Suvarnareka, Soiyaya, Khokaia and Keol Valleys. The hills are not very rocky and there is scope for agricultural development. The rivers are seasonal, though they do not dry up completely in the dry season. This region is fit for thermal power, if not hydroelectric power. In the southern part of Singhbhum district there is a copper belt, cheria clay, thorium and uranium.

Balbhumi is fertile but Sunderi district is flat. In the northwest as far as Julebiamor and in the extreme east on the northern side of the Suvarnareka River, iron ore, bauxite, manganese and copper can be found.

Although there are many rivers in Singhbhum district, there is very little developed irrigation. The soil is laterite. Sixty percent of the indigenous population are Mahatos. The Santals came here 200 years ago from Madhya Pradesh in the Bengali year 1176. There are also Ho-mundas, Singh-mundas and Khangar-mundas. The Singh-mundas came from the eastern portion of Ranchi.

The entire area of Ráŕh was part of old Gondwanaland, which included Ranchi, Purulia, western Madhya Pradesh, Burdwan, Bhanjabhum, Surdargarh and some portion of Orissa. This is the place where the first humans were born. It is the first human habitat in the whole world, but people do not know how to develop it. Throughout this area, the per capita income is minimal. Rice comes from Midnapore district. From Dhanbhad to Ranchi, rice comes from Burdwan district. In Lohardaga and the western portion of Chotanagpur, the per capita income is also minimal, while in the Visnupur subdivision it is a bit better. The rivers are still wild, and only the Kangsavati River has been partly tamed.

What are the fruits and cash crops that can be grown in Singhbhum district? The soil is good for horticulture. Jackfruit grows well. It can produce alcohol and is also a good cash crop. The nuts of the jackfruit can be ground to make flour which can produce good quality bread. The vege-meat and raw sugar industries can be started, while cashew nuts and masámbi can be grown. Cashew nuts are one of the best cash crops. If bone dust and water is added to the trees, the nuts will be sweet. The area is also good for growing custard-apple, apple and madder, although madder has little commercial value. Sandalwood also grows well, especially in dry laterite soil, but it is not a cash crop because it takes twenty years to mature. Maul can be grown, and from this flour can be made. Pomegranate can also be grown, and if it is fertilized with bone dust it will be sweet. Two crops of paddy and wheat can be grown in a year. On the plains, red skinned potato can be grown, and potato flour, dried potato and potato powder can be produced. White skinned potato is not so good for health. Flower gardens can be grown and the essence can be extracted. Laterite soil is very good for growing roses. Medicinal plants and herbs can be grown also, as well as small grapes. There is no dearth of water in Singhbhum district.

Is there any possibility of mangological development in Patna district? What about the mango and papain industries? Papain is good for the stomach. It is especially good for dysentery and other stomach diseases. Mango and guava are two horticultural items that can be grown here. What types of mangoes should be cultured? Where and how can they be grown? What sort of fertilizers do they need? You should know the answers to all these questions.

In Magadh the Ganges flows from west to east. On one side of the Ganges is Magadh and on the other side is Mithila. The soil beside the Ganges is riverine alluvial and is good for growing mango, lychee, banana and lemon. Some portions to the south of the Ganges in Patna – which in Sanskrit is Pataliputra and in Hindi Patna – and some portions to the north of the Ganges also contain soft alluvial soil. In the southern part of the Ganges for ten miles towards Patna, the soil is fit for mangoes. Digha is within a ten mile radius of the Ganges, as is Maner. Beyond ten miles, there is clay soil which is not fit for mangoes. Further out the soil becomes laterite and Gaya mangoes can be grown. The land around Mokama is not fit for mangoes as the soil is hard. In Begusarai soft alluvial soil is found, so mangoes can be grown. In Magadh – in Gaya and Navada for example – there are no mangoes, and if they are grown, they will be sour and contain worms. Thus, the soil is alluvial towards the south up to ten miles from the Ganges, then it is clay after ten miles, beyond that it is hard and laterite, and towards Gondwanaland it is laterite. North of Patna is suitable for lychee, mango and lemon, but not suitable for papain fruits such as papaya or guava. While guava can be grown, the large type such as that found in Allahabad cannot be grown. In the southern part of the Ganges, papaya grows better than in the north and the papain industry can be developed. The papayas will be small but sweet. Mangoes will also grow well there. In the Ganges Basin mango and lychee can be grown. The Malda and Murshidabad districts of Bengal are also very good for mango cultivation.

For agriculture, we must consider factors such as the soil condition, soil blending, climate, water supply and the types of land. For example, there are several types of land according to how the soil holds water. First, high and dry land is barren land and retains little or no water in the soil. If water and fertilizers are added to the land, it can be made productive, and some fruit crops, beans (kurti) and lemon grass for the cosmetic industry can be grown. The land at Ánanda Nagar is high, dry land. Secondly, barren plain land will hold water if it is properly tamed. It should be transformed into farming land – into horticultural and agricultural fields – and for this irrigation is essential. Thirdly, average land will hold water longer than barren plain land. Fourthly, moist fertile land is suitable for most types of farming and retains water well. The best land is moist fertile land, followed by average land, then barren plain land, while high dry land is the worst. Farmers do not know how to fully utilize the various types of land and soil.

In Bhanjabhum, Surdargarh, Singhbhum, Keonjhar, Jhargram, Purulia, East Ranchi, Vyaghrabhum and Dhanbhad there is hard laterite soil which is ideal for horticulture, provided the soil is properly manured. Dumka has different soil from the rest of Ráŕh as it is less laterite. After proper manuring, mangoes can be grown in Deoghar district. In Patna district, especially the northern portion, castor can be grown. Paddy grows better in plain land, whereas wheat grows better in dry land. The word “wheat” comes from white. Wheat means “whiteness”.

Rivers will cut paths right through waterlogged soil, but it is more difficult for them to cut through barren plain land or hard laterite soil of the clay type. So while constructing a bridge, both sides of the bridge should be built on foundations of hard soil. While constructing the Rajendra Bridge over the Ganges at Mokama, the soil towards Mokama is plain land, but towards Barauni the land is waterlogged, which means that the bridge can be easily washed away.

If farmers adopt the cooperative system they will enjoy many benefits. For example, the land wasted in constructing boundaries around individual plots will be utilized, significantly increasing the area of farming land. Land of the same level should be consolidated into one area for cooperative farming, but if the land is wavy, the area of the consolidated land should be smaller. In wavy land and land which contains small river valleys, small-scale inexpensive irrigation projects which cost only one to two hundred thousand rupees should be started. Such amounts can easily be arranged through cooperative effort. In addition, mixed farming and crop rotation can also be done through cooperatives. At Anandanagar there can be four crops in a year. I have already said which fertilizers and manure are best for what types of land. The fertilizer used for farming should depend on the type of soil.

Sericulture can be developed on barren land according to the climatic conditions. In Bihar, endy and muuṋgá silk can grow well, but not mulberry silk. Endy silk is golden and muuṋgá silk is reddish.

Nagpuri

Standard Nagpurii is the language spoken in Gumla. In Ranchi the language is influenced by Bengali and Magahii. Magahii, Maethilii, Bhojpurii and Nagpurii are not recognized by the government of India. Maethilii is recognized by Calcutta University. Angika is not even recognized by the Sahitya Academy, the government of Bihar or the government of India.

What are the soil problems and rock conditions of Palamu district? What are the main rivers? Palamu district starts in the northwest corner of Chotanagpur and is a small place. In the Sone River Basin in the west of Palamu district, the Sone River flows from southwest to northeast, while in the east of Palamu district it flows from northwest to southeast. In the heart of the district is the Koel River.

Palamu was once the central portion of Gondwanaland and the rock is sedimentary. The Damodar Valley is located in the eastern portion and the central west of Palamu district. Along the Damodar Valley there are coal deposits. In the western portion of the river valley there are also coal deposits, old hard rock, metamorphosed rock, tungsten, hard metals, iron ore and red hematite. This is a Magahii speaking area. Latehar subdivision and Garhwa are also Magahii speaking areas. The other side of the Sone River in Madhya Pradesh is also Magahii speaking. The red soil is laterite soil.

The history and annals of Palamu are unique. It is the old habitat and abode of the Oraon tribe who speak the Kuruk language, a tongue of Dravidian origin, and a sister language of Tamil, Telugu and Malayalam. There used to be Rajput kings in this area, but after they were overthrown, blood relationships with outsiders began. Palamu was independent up to the Pathan period. In the Mughal period Palamu became part of the Mughal empire and paid tribute to the Nawab of Bengal, but practically it remained independent. Gaw in Malda district was the capital of Bengal in the Mughal period, and later it became part of British Bengal. In the British period, the headquarters was changed to Hazaribagh.

In Hazaribagh district most people speak Magahii; the biggest river is the Damodar. The extreme south and central is the industrial belt which has great industrial potential. There is also a mica belt, and the major portion of it is Koderma, which is now separated from Hazaribagh and included in the newly formed district of Giridih. Coal can be found in the Damodar Valley.

How did Hazaribagh get its name? Hazaribagh was named after Harailal Singh Deo of the Ratu clan, who owned a large estate. He died in a clash with Shish Nath, the last of the Chotanagpur kings. In Hazaribagh district subterranean minerals, forestry and agriculture can be developed. The soil is fertile.

What are the problems of Nagpuri and the lower Lohardaga district? How are you to solve the irrigation problem of lower Lohardaga district? Where shall you get the water from? Some water is available near Netarhat, where good laterite soil is also available, but this area suffers from lack of water due to deforestation. Magadh also suffers from deforestation. So for development schemes, large-scale afforestation everywhere is most essential.

Lohardaga district has mixed soil. It is a very small district carved out of Ranchi. The main tribe there is the Oraon tribe who speak Kuruk among themselves and Nagpurii or Sadari with others. Kuruk is of the Tanabhagat group. The Mundas speak Sadari. Bauxite can be found there, and an aluminium factory should be established. Hardly any industry has been established from the locally available raw materials. The land currently produces only one crop of paddy a year, hence the people live in extreme poverty. Sixty-five percent of the population are tribals and thirty-five percent are non-tribals. The non-tribals are blacksmiths and traders.

Angadesh

Angadesh is more downtrodden than the Kaoshal region of Orissa. There is no industry in Angadesh, and even the people’s language, Angika, is not recognized. The people’s language should not be suppressed. If your mother tongue is not recognized, nobody will recognize you.

None of the mother tongues of Bihar are recognized in the Indian constitution, and that is why a Bihari has to live like a second-class citizen while many other minor languages are recognized. The government of India, the National Sahitya Academy, the Sangit Academy and the Bihar government have not recognized the Angika language. In fact, not a single mother tongue in Bihar has been recognized either by the government of India or the government of Bihar. This reflects badly on the government leaders. Primary school education should be in the people’s language, and primary school books in Angika should be introduced.

In Angadesh the indigenous population is being exploited by outsiders. The Angiks are poor and destitute, and most of them depend on agriculture for their livelihood. Their lot can only be improved when some progressive farming methods are adopted. For example, those parts of Purnia, Katihar, Madhepura and northern Bhagalpur which extend up to six miles from the southern bank of the Ganges River should grow cash crops successfully. An integrated system for growing certain cash crops is outlined below.

Kerala hybrid variety of coconuts: Before planting each sapling a hole three feet deep should be dug, and five kilos of salt should be put into the bottom of the hole. The salt should be covered with a layer of sand, then the sapling should be planted erect, and the roots compacted with more sand to fill the hole. A pyramid of sand should be made above the level of the soil around the base of the sapling. Leaf mould should be placed at the top of the pyramid. This will be gradually absorbed into the soil. In the event of a shortage of rainfall, the saplings should be irrigated by a sprinkler system which will resemble rain for the plants, thus enabling them to grow in a natural way.

Black pepper farming: If black peppers are planted beside coconut trees, no further land will be required as the black peppers will climb the trees. Black peppers do not need any fertilizers other than leaf mould and cow dung manure.

Areca nut cultivation of the Coochbehar variety: This can be cultivated very successfully on the same land as the above crops. Cow dung manure should be administered once a year before the rainy season starts. All the old dead leaves of the areca nut plants should be removed and the plant should be cleaned in September and October.

Pineapples: A good harvest of pineapples can be gained in those fields of Purnia, Katihar and Madhepura districts, where the rainfall is more than six inches. In salty soil also there can be good harvests. In Purnia, the Siliguri variety will produce a good harvest, and in Katihar and Madhepura, the Baruipur (Calcutta) variety is suitable.

Red pepper and green chilli: Red peppers and green chillies of the Kalna (Burdwan) variety will yield good harvests as second grade seasonal cash crops if they are grown in the northern and southern portions of Angadesh respectively. Green chilli of the sowa variety will grow better in southern Angadesh. The manure used should be mustard cakes, custard cakes and baranj cakes – that is, the residue of these seeds after the oil has been extracted.

Mangoes: Malda district to the north of Angadesh will grow good crops of fajali, langara, ásina, svajpuri, lakśmanbhag, etc. – in fact, all varieties of mangoes. Where there is a scarcity of land, these varieties can be grown in large earthen pots. The manure should be a mixture of twenty-five percent cow dung compost, twenty-five percent leaf mould compost, twenty-five percent bone fertilizer and twenty-five percent crushed bricks. Dead lime can replace bone fertilizer.

Some other crops: In southern Angadesh, grapes will be very good seasonal crops. Jackfruit of the Bankura variety and jám of the red Jammu variety also grow very well.

In the hilly land of southern Angadesh, the following can be produced – cloth, carpets and mats from the fibres of the sisal variety of bamboo (ram bamboo); silk from custard plants; and mulberry and mulberry silkworms. In addition, in southern Angadesh papaya can be grown, and from this papain can be produced. Rice bran oil and cement can also be manufactured from rice husks. In northern Angadesh, jute cultivation can be used to produce match sticks, and paper can be produced from the residue of sugar cane, and also from maize or corn cobs.

In the red soil of Angadesh, the Hyderabad variety of grapes, the Bankura or Ánanda Nagar variety of papaya, cashew nuts and jackfruits of the Bankura variety, jám of the red Jammu variety, mangoes of the Ráŕhi Bombay and Ráŕhi Madhukalkali varieties will grow very well.

There is a tri-portion of land, which includes parts of Nepal, Bihar and Bengal, where Bhojpurii, Angika, Maethilii and Bengali are spoken. The Angika speaking part of this tri-portion was conquered by Prithvi Naryan Saha of Nepal in the first phase of the British Raj in the battle of Plassey in 1757. The Angika speaking population of Nepal live in Morang district, which has a provincial city at Viratnagar. The Angika speaking portion of Nepal should be included in Angadesh. This is a geo-economic necessity. There should also be a train from Bhagalpur to the Himalayas. The indigenous people of Nepal include the Sherpa, Bhutia, Newari and Lepcha.

What about underground wealth in Angadesh? In the western portion of Godda district there is limestone, dolomite, China clay and coal. In the eastern portion there is no dolomite, only coal. Red hematite and iron ore can also be found around Jamalpur, but not on a large scale. Recently gold deposits were discovered in the Sonu block of Jamui district, and there are coal deposits in Lalmotia.

The cheapest electricity in Angadesh is thermal electricity from coal. There is no need to purchase coal from outside as is being done now. Solar power can also be generated in the plain areas where the land is wavy.

Northern Angadesh suffers from lack of proper irrigation and drainage, and from waterlogging. Southern Angadesh suffers from lack of proper irrigation. The land is to be systematized for proper water management. For example, as there is a scarcity of water in the south, the surplus water form northern Angadesh should be drained and shifted to southern Angadesh. If oil from Assam can travel all the way to Bihar by pipe, why not water from northern Angadesh to southern Angadesh?

The Kosi belt in the north – that is, the land around the Kosi river – remains submerged due to waterlogging. The entire Kosi belt is a waterlogged area. The sediments carried by this river have a bad effect on the fertility of the soil, hence the water should not be used for irrigation in the rainy season. Drainage does not mean the wastage of water. If the water from the Kosi River goes into the Ganges and the Bay of Bengal, it will be wasted.

There is immense agricultural potentiality in Angadesh, and many more agro-industries and agrico-industries can be developed. You should get three crops in a season from the land, but now there is only one crop. In southern Banka there is only one crop of paddy and no other crop in a year.

Recently a new district was created called “Chandan Kotaria” at the meeting point of Magadh, Angadesh and Bengal. It was formed out of Jamui, Deoghar and a little bit of Banka. This district is very dry but has very fertile land which is ideal for agriculture.

The main industries in Angadesh are agro-industries and agrico-industries. In the extreme southern portion limestone can be found. Limestone and China clay are also available in western Godda, so a cement factory may be started there. From rice bran and limestone, cement can be made – these are two of the main raw materials for cement.

Dinajpur was the main centre of the Kaevartas 2,000 years ago. From there they migrated to many places, including Purnia, but they still speak Bengali in their homes. Their complexions are not very dark – more an earthen colour. They have round faces, are not tall and work mostly in agriculture. Previously they were the main community of Purnia, which is just to the west of Dinajpur. They follow all the Bengali customs, such as the Bengali system of marriage.

In Purnia District, there are four Bengali speaking communities – the Káyasthas, the Haris, the Doms, who generally burn dead bodies for a living, and the upper caste Sadgopes, who are milkmen. (The Haris and Doms are Scheduled Castes). These four groups generally speak either Bengali or a mixture of Bengali and Angika in the home. Though some of the Kaevartas have the surname “Mandal”, most have the title “Vishvas”.

Besides the Sadgopes, there are many other groups in the Gope community who have migrated from Bengal and who still follow Bengali customs. Their language is now the local language, and they are called the “Corygopes” or the “Corywallahs”. Some of the Gope community migrated to Bihar from Murshidabad, and Burdwan and Birbhum in Ráŕh, to check the spread of the Muslims, because they were experts in stick fighting. This group is called the “Ghosis” and their surname is “Ghosh”.

I want a detailed scheme – an ideal scheme or blue print – for Angadesh, Magadh, Nagpuri and Kaoshal from north to south. Angadesh is almost plain, except the southern portion. The other three socio-economic units are mixed. Magadh is plain and wavy land, while Nagpuri and Kaoshal are wavy and valley land. Utilize each and every inch of land. Utilize each and every drop of water.

Exploitation exists in every sphere of life – the social, economic, cultural and psychic. Exploiters do not care whether an area is a surplus labour or deficit labour area. Bhojpuri is a surplus labour area, while parts of Bengal and Assam are deficit labour areas. All of these areas are exploited. Angadesh and Assam are the worst affected areas. In Angadesh, Bhagalpur and Monghyr are the only cities, and in these two cities outside exploiters dominate. They have no sympathy for the local people, their language or their sentimental legacy. Ranchi is also controlled by outside exploiters, while in Orissa land and assets are in the hands of outsiders. In India elections are very costly. Money for elections comes from both local capitalists and foreign agencies.

Bhojpuri

Bhojpuri covers several districts including Gorakhpur and the entire Bhojpur area except Bastar district.

There are three scripts in Bhojpuri. The first is Nagari script, which is used to the west of Allahabad. Max Mueller wrote the Vedas in Nagari script, which was named “Devanagari” 800 years ago. The second is Sháradá script which is used to the northwest of Allahabad and is 1,300 years old. The third is Kut́ila script which is used to the east of Allahabad. It is the script for Oriya, Bengali, Bhojpurii, Maethilii and Angika and is 1,100 years old.

The mother tongue of Krśńa was Shaurseni Prákrta. Later on Braja emerged from Shaurseni Prákrta, and is spoken to the west of Allahabad. The Muslim poet Raskhan, and Rahim and Surdas, were the poets of Prákrta. The Agrawals of Braja belong to the Braja area and are not Marawaris. The Muslims of Allahabad speak Avadhi, although the Shias speak Urdu.

The three large cities of the Bhojpuri area – Varanasi, Gorakhpur and Chapra – have no industries. All the assets are in the hands of outside exploiters. Let there be a fight against outside exploitation. Let the people understand the meaning of polarization!

What are the agricultural possibilities of Gorakhpur and Deoria districts in Uttar Pradesh? Are they the same? Deoria is more riverine than Gorakhpur, so more jute can be grown in Deoria than in Gorakhpur. If wool is mixed with jute, good quality jute’s-wool can be prepared. Good jute can be grown near Nepal.

Transportation and marketing should be kept in mind when developing all agro-industries. For example, if horticulture is developed in the ten mile radius around a big city such as Gorakhpur, it will be more economically beneficial for the farmers than if the orchards are located further away.

You should know your country and the entire globe. Know all their secrets. The fight to restore one’s mother language is a fight for dignity. Each mother language should be spoken and developed. While working for the welfare and development of your country, also spend some time for the development of your mother language.

Chapter 6	Prout in a Nutshell Volume 4 Part 19 [a compilation]

In the beginning, Master Units were started with a view to developing the fate of the backward and downtrodden classes of society who find no scope to keep pace with the developing world. When Ananda Marga started touching every discipline of life, it was then contemplated to establish the Master Units as the miniature forms of Ananda Marga. As there are different nerve centres in the body which control the function of the different limbs and organs, and which are finally controlled by the mind itself, likewise the Master Units will be treated as the nerve centres of the society. There has to be active representation and participation from all the departments, branches and sub-branches of Ananda Marga in the Master Units. Those who fail in representation will be lost in non-existence.

These miniature forms of Ananda Marga will expand and gradually terminate in the maxiature form and cover the whole universe. Master Units will expand all possible services, particularly in the fields of education, culture, economics and spiritual upliftment. These Master Units will work to improve the fate, first of all human beings, and then of all living beings, irrespective of caste, creed, colour, religion and national barriers. Humanity knows no artificial barriers. Humanity is the only criteria.

Through Master Units and PROUT, we will elevate the standard of the people in a few months or a few years. We should also serve the people immediately by all-round service. PROUT and all-round service may render temporary service – they move along the flow of life – but our spiritual philosophy is above the flow of life. Hence, with spiritual philosophy as the hub, we are to start as many Master Units as possible. All-round service, PROUT and Master Units are the ways of life.

What are the primary requisites of an ideal Master Unit? There are five, which correspond to the five minimum requirements in PROUT. First, to provide food throughout the year, sufficient local raw materials must be produced through agriculture and scientific farming. These raw materials will provide the basis for industrial units and agro-industries such as dairy farms, horticulture, sericulture, etc. For such industries, you cannot depend on raw material from anywhere else.

Secondly, there should be production of sufficient fibres and fabrics for clothing. For example, fibres from ladies’ fingers, pineapple, sugar beet, banana, basil, cotton, sisal, etc. can be used for clothing.

Thirdly, primary and post-primary schools should be started on all Master Units. Higher education institutions should not be established just now.

Fourthly, general and special medical units should also be established. Special medical centres would accommodate invalid people for a certain periods because Master Units may or may not run big hospitals. Medical units should emphasise alternative medical treatments.

Fifthly, Master Units should undertake schemes to construct houses for extremely poor people. This special housing scheme for the poor must be immediately established.

There is the necessity of starting Master Units in each and every district and block of the world. Master Units will be the biggest structure of Ananda Marga. All Master Units will be the minia ture forms of Ánanda Nagar, and these Master Units will be the main centres for the Ánanda Márgiis. Master Units should be a minimum of five acres. The Saḿskrta name of Master Unit is “Cakranemii” which means “the nucleus of the cakra” (wheel). I want all Master Units to be economically self-sufficient in all respects, because spiritualists should not depend on the wealthy class for money.

There are several common points which should be implemented in all Master Units:

1. Schools, including primary, post-primary and higher secondary schools.
2. Hostels, including junior hostels, senior hostels and higher hostels.
3. Children’s homes, including junior homes, senior homes and students homes.
4. Medical units.
5. Cottage industries.
6. Dairy Farms.
7. Plantations.

Besides these common points, there are some special features of Master Units which should also be implemented:

1. A wheat grinding machine or flour mill to produce flour.
2. A bakery to produce bread, etc.
3. A seed bank
4. A Sulav Biija Vitaran Kendra or Cheap Seed Distribution Centre. The centre will collect good quality seeds and sell them at cheap rates. Seeds may be purchased from local farmers at the end of each harvest, purchased at cheap rates in the market or cultivated, but the centre should provide good quality seeds at cheap rates to the people.
5. A Free Plant Distribution Centre. This centre will grow plants from seeds and seedlings. The following system should be used to prepare plants for distribution. The seedlings should be grown until they are one and a half feet tall. The plants should then be uprooted and their roots soaked in water for half an hour. Next, the main root of each plant should be cut off one inch below the base of the plant, and the remaining roots should again be soaked in water for ten minutes. The plants should then be planted in a field or packed for distribution. Plants which are prepared in this way will produce large, sweet fruits. The fruits will be better than those produced from seedlings, but not as good as those produced from grafted plants.
6. Sericulture and silk weaving centre.
7. Bio-gas plants. This means that there must be a dairy farm. Water hyacinths are also good for producing bio-gas.
8. Butter production.
9. Apiculture.
10. An Ideal Farm Training Centre.
11. A sanctuary. On all our Master Units, only bio-fertilizers like compost, cow dung, neem paste, neem spray, etc. should be used. Chemical fertilizers must be avoided. Our Master Unit program is a combination of oriental sublimity and western dynamicity.

Chapter 7	Prout in a Nutshell Volume 4 Part 19 [a compilation]

According to Karl Marx, the creation of surplus value is the source of economic exploitation. Capitalists convert the surplus value into money value and that is how they accumulate profit. After analysing the capitalist economy, Marx reasoned that all profit is exploitation because profit means the denial of the legitimate right of the working class to the wealth they produce. Consequently, profit is nothing but the exploitation of labour. Marx concluded that the creation of surplus value will stop only when economic exploitation ends.

All communist states, including the Soviet Union, China and Vietnam, have rejected Marx’s theory of exploitation. According to these countries, the creation of surplus value in the economy is an indispensable part of national prosperity. In repudiation of Marxist ideas, profit is not considered exploitation. If Marx made the first attempt to analyse and define exploitation, then it must be said that his work is not free from defects. This is because Marx tried to interpret exploitation only from the economic point of view.

According to PROUT, economic exploitation involves the unrestricted plunder of the physical and psychic labour of a particular community together with the natural resources in their local area. In PROUT’s view, exploitation is not confined to only economic exploitation, but includes psychic and spiritual exploitation as well.

Economic exploitation has various forms and includes colonial exploitation, imperialist exploitation and fascist exploitation. There are similarities and dissimilarities in both the principles and characters of these forms of exploitation. Let us examine each of these three forms of exploitation by taking the example of Bengal.

Colonial Exploitation

In the case of colonial exploitation, the exploiters first capture a market and then gain control of all the raw materials available in that area through monopoly rights. They produce finished goods out of the raw materials in their own factories within their own region, and then sell the finished goods to the people in the occupied market. Thus, they get double the opportunities to misappropriate wealth – the exploiters deceive the local population while procuring their raw materials at cheap rates, and then they sell their finished products in the same markets at exorbitant prices. By capturing the local market, the colonial exploiters succeed in totally destroying the local industrial system.

The first part of British rule in Bengal was a period of colonial exploitation. The British capitalists, in order to capture the markets of Bengal, systematically destroyed all Bengal’s industry and forced the local manufacturers and skilled labourers to work in British owned factories.

The British East India Company used to collect raw materials by looting and intimidating the local people. It contracted a pledge from those who worked in cottage industries that they would buy raw materials only from the company, and sell finished products only to the company. The company used to sell raw materials at high rates, and buy finished products at twenty-five percent below their actual market price. The manufacturers who refused to agree to the terms of the company were handcuffed and publicly flogged, and the thumbs of many weavers who resisted the demands of the company were chopped off to destroy their capacity to weave fine cloth. Because of this kind of oppression, the weavers of Bengal could not compete with the weaving industry which was being developed in Manchester.

Within ten years after the Battle of Plassey in 1757, most of the important industries in Bengal such as silk, cotton, sugar, salt, colour dyes, machine parts and shipbuilding had been systematically destroyed. The manufacturers and skilled labourers who had been employed in various industries for generations were uprooted from their natural source of livelihood and pushed towards agriculture. The inevitable result was the catastrophic famine of 1770. Thus, Bengal was converted into a supplier of raw materials and a market for British products. This type of economic exploitation is called “colonial exploitation”.

Even thirty years after Indian independence, the vestiges of colonial exploitation have not been obliterated from Bengal. Rather, exploitation by the Indian capitalists has been deepened and widened. These Indian capitalists are outsiders who have not identified their own socio-economic interests with the interests of the local area. Today they look upon West Bengal and its adjoining areas as merely a source of raw materials. These capitalists purchase the agricultural, mineral and forestry resources of Bengal at cheap rates and convert them into manufactured goods in their own factories in Gujarat, the Punjab, Maharashtra and Rajasthan, and then sell the finished products in the Bengal market at high prices.

Almost all items of daily use in Bengal are manufactured outside Bengal, but sold in the West Bengal market. At the same time, Bengal’s own industries have either been paralysed or destroyed so that the goods produced in Bengal can never compete with those of the Indian capitalists produced outside Bengal. This is the reason that West Bengal does not get the chance to establish new industrial enterprises. The Punjab and Harayana have been turned into monopoly centres for the leather industry, but strangely, in both these states, hides are scarcely available. Industrialists from these states procure animal skins from the forests of Tarai and Duars in North Bengal and the deltaic region of the Sundarbans in the south of the state, and sell their finished leather products in Bengal. West Bengal has no hide industry to supply finished products to its own market. Only a small percentage of the leather shoes produced in Batanagar is supplied to the West Bengal market, and the largest percentage is exported to foreign markets. The same situation prevails in the sports goods industry. Needless to say, the owners of most of the essential industries in West Bengal are outsiders. To them West Bengal is merely a colony to acquire raw materials as well as a vast market for the sale of finished goods which are manufactured in their own regions. All these outsiders are guided by one psychology: “As we have come to a foreign land, let us try to loot as much as we can.”

Imperialist Exploitation

Next comes imperialist exploitation. In this case the exploiters fully exercise their political and economic power for their own economic exploitation. The second half of British rule in India was characterized by imperialist exploitation. In fact, the imperialist exploitation of Bengal can be traced to the rein of the Mughal Emperor Akbar about 400 years ago. There is a reference in the book Ain-E-Akbari [The Laws of Akbar] that Bengal had to supply 23,301 cavalrymen, 801,159 infantrymen, 4,400 ships, 4,260 cannons and 108 elephants to the Mughal army. Bengal also had to pay a large tribute to meet Akbar’s military expenses, supply provisions to the Mughal army, and pay taxes to offset the losses incurred in Akbar’s campaigns. And when Aurangzeb deployed a large Mughal army to suppress the Marathas in the Deccan, Bengal again had to supply a large part of the provisions and running expenses of his army. In the process, the economy of Bengal was completely drained and the people impoverished. As a result of the Mughal exploitation, Bengal was confronted by a series of economic disasters and famines, and the Mughal rulers, with the help of their functionaries, ruthlessly suppressed all local revolts.

The Mughal misrule of Bengal was closely followed by the British colonial and imperialist exploitation. When Clive left India, he took away millions of rupees in cash. The East India Company and its employees took a bribe of thirty million rupees to carry out the exploitation of Bengal, and the British officers looted and plundered a vast amount of wealth from the palaces of the indigenous rulers.

As a result of the devastating famine of 1770, about ten million people died, including artisans, skilled labourers and farmers. Before India entered the nineteenth century, all of Bengal’s important industries had been destroyed. Dhaka, a most prosperous city, was a famous weaving and commercial centre, but it lost its pre-eminence and the population declined because the people were uprooted from their traditional means of livelihood. The unemployed skilled labourers left Dhaka and travelled to the countryside in search of new occupations, and finally took to agriculture. Naturally, these new workers became landless labourers and the agricultural sector became overcrowded. This was how important industrial centres such as Murshidabad and Pandua lost their economic prosperity. Innumerable unemployed youth were created in the industrial sector of Bengal’s economy, and they had no alternative but to resort to agriculture.

After completely destroying the industries of Bengal, the British capitalists turned their attention to the rural sector. In 1779 the British colonialists forced the Bengali peasants to cultivate indigo in their paddy lands because there was a great demand for colour dyes in the European market. The problem was that once indigo was planted it took two to three years to mature, and in this time no other crops could be cultivated. The peasants refused to cultivate indigo instead of paddy, and consequently they were subjected to inhuman torture and oppression. This continued for eighty years, then the people of Bengal revolted and the cultivation of indigo stopped.

Along with the cultivation of indigo, the British merchants cast their greedy eyes on Bengal’s jute and tea industries. In order to further increase their profits, they began to exploit these two commodities. In 1793 Lord Cornwallis tried to impose British feudalism on the rural economy of Bengal through the system of permanent settlements. According to this system, zamindars were armed with enormous economic power. They were given the authority to impose revenue taxes on land, evict farmers, arbitrarily sell farmers’ movable and immovable property, and if necessary prosecute farmers and sentence them to death. In exchange for all these privileges, the landlords had to pay a fixed amount of money to the British Raj at the end of each year. If that amount was not deposited in the treasury at the appointed time, the landholdings of the landlord were auctioned. Naturally no landlord wanted his land auctioned, so regardless of the climatic conditions or the size of the crops, he forced the farmers to pay the required taxes. Besides paying their government revenue, the landlords always tried to make a profit, so they collected more than the prescribed amount from the farmers.

The landlords, however, encountered certain difficulties when they tried to collect tax revenues directly by moving from place to place. Consequently, the system of collecting taxes through agents was introduced. These agents gave the responsibility for collecting taxes to another set of people, thus between the landlord and the farmer there were agents of different strata. The agents at the lowest stratum used to deduct a certain percentage of the tax revenue and give the rest to the higher level agents. Thus, the farmers had to bear the brunt of this enormous financial burden. Moreover, the agents did not issue any receipts, so there was no limit to the exploitation and looting of the farmers who were impoverished beyond their means.

Besides the landlords and their agents, another group of exploiters emerged who took advantage of the poverty of the farmers. These were the moneylenders, who lent money to the farmers at exorbitant rates of interest. The farmers were forced to take loans which they could never repay, so they mortgaged their lands. Eventually the moneylenders became the owners of the farmers’ lands, and the farmers were thus converted into landless labourers. Such a huge population of landless labourers was found only in Bengal.

The complement to economic exploitation is political oppression. British political exploitation reduced the number of Bengalees by dividing Greater Bengal into numerous fragments and annexing those areas to adjoining states. The people of Bengal were deprived of the natural resources of those regions which were later formed into Assam, Bihar and Orissa. The ethnic Bengalees of those areas, after only a few generations, became separated from the main stream of Bengali life and culture. The British did not apply this principle of “divide and rule” to any other part of India. Just to perpetuate their economic exploitation in Bengal, the British resorted to political oppression. Bengalees had experienced the tyranny of highly placed people, but they had never before experienced oppression that completely stifled their means of commerce and livelihood, and almost destroyed their very existence.

In 1947, when the British left India, another era of exploitation by Indian imperialists started in the wake of the partition of Bengal. Despite the long period of British exploitation, in the initial phase after independence the state of Bengal was more advanced than any other state in India, and many Bengali industrialists had developed. The outsiders started to systematically eliminate the Bengali industrialists from specific areas of trade and industry. This methodical economic oppression of Bengal started immediately after India attained freedom.

During this period, West Bengal’s paddy land was converted into jute production in order to earn more foreign exchange from jute. The farmers were losers on two fronts. First, their income from paddy was totally stopped, and secondly, they were not given the market value of the jute they produced. The outsiders benefited in two ways. They exported much of their jute to foreign countries to earn foreign exchange, and they supplied rice to Bengal produced in their own areas. At that time there were approximately eighty jute mills in West Bengal, all owned by outsiders who made a total profit of hundreds of millions of rupees per annum. The central government earned a similar amount by exporting jute, and another few hundred million rupees as taxes, duties, etc., on jute products. About twenty percent of India’s total foreign exchange came from Bengal’s jute industry, but Bengal’s indigenous jute farmers were deprived of any profit from jute production.

West Bengal earns no percentage of the foreign exchange acquired from its natural resources. The central government sells cotton to Maharashtra and Gujarat at comparatively low prices, whereas the farmers of Bengal are forced to buy the same commodities at high prices. Naturally the cost of producing cotton cloth and hand-spun clothes is higher in Bengal than in other states. The same thing applies in the case of sugar. Furthermore, Bengal has to sell coal and iron ore to other parts of the country without making any profit, and it has to buy edible oil and other essential food items at extra cost.

Due to this exploitation by outsiders, the economic structure of Bengal has been shattered and a large percentage of Bengal’s population now lives below the poverty line. Tens of millions of rupees are drained out of West Bengal every month by outsiders, and many of Bengal’s own industrial enterprises have been destroyed. The important industrial sectors together with trade and commerce are now in the hands of outsiders. Millions of able-bodied young Bengalees are unemployed, whereas the non-Bengali capitalists employ much of their work-force from outside the state.

Fascist Exploitation

The final and most dangerous form of economic exploitation is fascist exploitation. In order to canvass national support to justify their exploitation, the imperialists popularize the theory of nationalism. They portray their exploitation as rational and constitutional and based on the national interest. The British imperialists, in order to legitimize their exploitation, embraced nationalist theory. Following the example of the British, Mussolini of Italy and Hitler of Germany moved along the same path. When communist imperialism was established after the Second World War, the Soviet leader Joseph Stalin propagated the concept of the Slavic supremacy. Likewise, the Chinese leader Mao Zedong built up Chinese superiority.

As soon as an imperialist power is transformed into a fascist power, it spreads out its tentacles to psychically and culturally oppress a vanquished people. To perpetuate unhindered economic exploitation, psychic exploitation starts almost simultaneously. Where psychic exploitation is used to further economic exploitation, it is called “psycho-economic exploitation”.

At the very outset, the fascist exploiters select a weak community which inhabits a region rich in natural resources. The fascists socially and culturally uproot the victimized community by imposing a foreign language and culture on them. Because the local people cannot easily express their individual and collective feelings and sentiments in a foreign language, they develop a defeatist psychology and inferiority complex with respect to the exploiters. This defeatist psychology destroys the natural spiritedness and will to fight of the local people, and the fascists skillfully utilize this golden opportunity. The primary interest of the fascist exploiters is to gradually suck the vitality of the local community so that they can pillage and plunder their natural resources, but if necessary they will even obliterate the local community from the face of the earth.

During the British rule of India, the Bengalees were the victims of various types of rapacious psychic exploitation by the British fascists. The British adopted several methods of psychic exploitation. For instance, the British exploiters, obsessed with crushing freedom struggles and national revolts, tried to destroy the revolutionary spirit of the Bengalees. To achieve this objective they also started psycho-economic exploitation. Besides this, in order to reduce the Bengali population, they divided Bengal into different regions and annexed them to the adjoining states. A large section of the population became separated from the mainstream of Bengali life and identified with the cultural heritage of the newly formed states. The same approach is being followed even now.

The Indian capitalists followed the example of the British. Their exploitative psychology was clearly manifest in the refugee policy. By the end of 1949 the rehabilitation problem of the refugees who came from West Pakistan had been completely solved, but the refugees who came from East Pakistan were subject to an altogether different policy. The Bengali refugee problem was kept in abeyance. Many Bengali refugees, by dint of their self-confidence, physical capabilities and hard work, still struggle for survival in Tripura, Assam, Bihar and Orissa, while millions of poor and helpless refugees continue to live on the streets in the towns and cities of Bengal, wandering aimlessly in search of food and shelter.

The plan to reduce the size of the Bengali population is being implemented through the systematic destruction of the vitality of the Bengali people. The most powerful means of expression of a people’s collective psychic power is their language and literature. Hence, to try and uproot a people from their culture is a special form of psychic exploitation. The cultural suppression of Bengalees throughout eastern India is rampant. To undermine the morality and integrity of Bengal’s national character, lewd films and books have been spread throughout the state like ulcerous wounds.

In the factories and the rural production centres, the capitalist exploitation of India continues unabated, and the landholders, as the last vestiges of a feudalistic social order, perpetrate their exploitation in the villages. The capitalists and landlords carry on their exploitation hand-in-hand. The survival and social security of the landless labourers depends solely on the whims of the landlords, who can expel the labourers at any time on any pretext.

The exploitation by capitalists and landlords is accompanied by the exploitation by moneylenders. In the rural economy they lend money to the farmers and rural peasants, and are present in nearly every village and hamlet of West Bengal. Where the landlords are not physically present, their loyal agents are very active. The moneylenders have nothing to do with the land – they merely give loans to the poor farmers at high interest. Sometimes poor farmers cannot afford to procure farming implements, hence they are compelled to take loans from the moneylenders. If a moneylender gives one hundred rupees to a farmer, the farmer will have to repay two hundred rupees with interest, but the moneylender does not take back the loan in cash. Instead he realizes the amount in kind in the form of paddy, potatoes, etc., at cheap rates at the time of the harvest. The poor farmer, under the pressure of circumstances, has to accept this unwelcome system. He is a double loser – first, he has to pay more than double the amount of the original loan, and secondly, this amount is paid in kind at the rate of the harvest price of the crop, which is naturally very cheap. This whole process is conducted through agents, who also take their profit. Thus, the peasants and farmers of India are deprived of all their agricultural produce in four to five months of the year to repay the moneylenders, so for the remaining seven to eight months they have to approach the moneylenders again for fresh loans. At first they mortgage their implements, and then they are forced to part with their land. When the amount of the loans with compound interest increases to the point where the interest and the mortgage is equal to the price of their land, the moneylenders confiscate the land of the farmers. Consequently, the farmers get evicted from their land and move from village to village, living on the streets as beggars.

The direct representatives of the capitalist exploiters in the rural economy are the middlemen. They take advantage of the poverty and distress of the farmers and force them to depend on the capitalists for their production. For example, in West Bengal, Calcutta is the main centre of the capitalists, but of course they have subsidiary centres in various parts of the state. For instance, they have centres in Siliguri in North Bengal, Sainthia in Birbhum district, Purulia town in Purulia district and Midnapore town in Midnapore district. From these centres the capitalists, through their agents and middlemen, control the rural economy of West Bengal. The farmers depend on these middlemen not only to procure farm implements, but also to sell their agricultural produce. They also take advantage of the illiteracy of the simple uneducated farmers, collect their signatures or thumb prints for a larger loan, and pay them less than the market value of their produce.

Indian society is basically capitalistic, and the administrative system is a capitalist dominated democracy. It is the capitalists who control and direct the social, economic and political systems of India. The problem of how to remain in power is the most important issue for every political party that comes to power in an election. When political interest is of paramount importance, naturally the government will frame laws to safeguard the interests of the capitalist exploiters. The responsibility of upholding the interests of the exploiters in the name of law and order devolves onto the bureaucracy and police. The political leaders merely engage in internal bickering over their share of the ill-gotten gains.

India’s peasants, under the enormous weight of the exploitation by capitalists, landlords, moneylenders and corrupt politicians, together with the crippling burden of poverty, have been pushed to the brink of death. At any cost, the peasants will have to shoulder the responsibility of freeing themselves from the jaws of destruction. But what is the way out for them? Is sanguinary revolution the surest way of attaining freedom? Is there any other way out? In my opinion, if the path of bloodshed can be avoided by some means or other, and if the exploiters can be brought back to their senses, that would be the most preferable option. But to do this the following requirements would have to be fulfilled.

First, a decentralized economy which replaces the current centralized economy must be introduced. Economic planning should be based on block-level planning and include every village. This is the only way to put an end to colonial, imperialist and fascist exploitation.

Secondly, in every stratum of the economy, the cooperative system must be expanded so that no one can take an undue share of the collective wealth produced by the industrial and agricultural labourers.

Thirdly, moneylending by private capitalists should be banned and provisions must be made to pay loans in advance to the farmers through the banks. This will eradicate the exploitation by moneylenders and political cadres.

Fourthly, the floating population of any state must be either settled where it is living, or made to leave that area and return to its original region. It will have to choose either option.

The progress of history can never be reversed – the current of destiny can never be resisted. The elevated and benevolent intellect is the solution to all human problems.

Chapter 8	Prout in a Nutshell Volume 4 Part 19 [a compilation]

Samatat

Ancient Bengal was divided into five distinct zones – Ráŕh, Samatat, Vauṋga, Barendra and Mithila. Mithila is now part of Bihar.

The vast area along the coastal plains of the Bay of Bengal which contains no mountains but is built on the sandy alluvial soil of the Padma and Bhagavathi rivers and crissed-crossed by lakes, canals, tributaries and hills is known as “Samatat” in Saḿskrta. In colloquial Bengali it is known as “Bágŕi”. This region is full of natural beauty and rich in agricultural resources. Samatat was called “Golden Bengal”, which is why Bankim Chandra, the famous novelist, observed:

Sujalám suphalám malayaja shiitalám mátaram

“I salute ‘Mother Bengal’ which is well-watered, abundant in fruit and cooled by the refreshing southern breeze.”

The inhabitants of Samatat – in health, wealth, vivacity and simplicity – are the golden children of the “Golden Mother”. But ironically, these golden children were always regarded as an invincible race. During the last 5000 years, the Bengalees have been depicted as an indomitable sea-faring people. The people of Samatat richly deserve this epithet. The Mughal Emperor Akbar was forced to respect their fighting power, and even the British government was fearful of their fighting spirit. The British bifurcated Bengal and successfully drove a wedge between East Bengal and West Bengal by applying the communal award.

In West Bengal there has been relentless exploitation and misrule by capitalists from other parts of India. The immense agricultural, forestry and aquatic resources of Samatat have been ruthlessly exploited by the neo-colonialists. 36% of the foreign currency reserves in India comes from the natural resources of Samatat, but not even 1% of that foreign exchange is utilized for the development of the local area. The rural economy of Samatat is being severely exploited by the outsiders. 60% of Samatat’s population are extremely poor, uneducated, malnourished and unemployed. 77% of the population of Samatat are associated only with agriculture, and as the huge percentage of the population depends on undeveloped agriculture, they are fast moving towards economic ruination. The Marxists thrive on the economic disaster and helplessness of the inhabitants of Samatat.

Since independence the national wealth and labour of Samatat are not utilized for the benefit of the indigenous population. Rather, they are being utilized to serve the vested interests of outsiders. No government so far has formulated any economic plan for the economic development of the Samatat people. The so- called friends of the poor do not want to hurt the capitalist and imperialist interests. So Samatat, which was once an invincible power, is rapidly moving towards economic ruination under capitalist and communist exploitation, even in the midst of vast natural wealth.

In spite of abundant agricultural production every year, the people are beating their heads for a mere bowl of rice. A large percentage of the population have taken to begging in the streets because of their long-standing poverty. To keep their party base consolidated, the politicians introduce projects like “Food for Work” amongst the rural population. The students and youth are also taken by in such schemes. In fact, by giving unemployment benefits to a certain percentage of the population, the politicians are misguiding poor people in the name of “ism”. They are keeping the people engrossed in menial economic activities, and have so far prevented genuine revolution in society.

It is not proper to surrender Samatat to these antisocial forces and let this unwelcome situation continue. Today, a great call has come for an all-round revolution. The people of Samatat must also participate in this struggle for freedom. The Samatat of Mahaprabhu Chaitanya, Rabindranth, Bankim Chanra, Madhusudan, Bhaga Yatiin and Subhas Chandra will not be cast into oblivion together with the glorious heritage and cultural of Samatat. No sensible Bengali can wish to see this happen. So the people of Samatat must wake up to the present reality, come forward and strive to attain economic self-sufficiency. They must also demand in chorus: “We, the 14 million Bengalees of Samatat, want to move together in unison. We want to materialize our hopes and aspirations together. We want a prosperous Bengal free from exploitation. We stand for a self-sufficient socio-economic zone – Bangalistan.”

	Prout in a Nutshell Volume 4 Part 19 [a compilation]

Gorkhaland

The Gorkhaland movement, which is demanding a few districts in the northern part of West Bengal, has reached a climax. The Gorkhas, who had settled there from outside the state, are now demanding the formation of a separate state by taking advantage of their Indian citizenship. They have launched regular agitations, called strikes, looted, plundered, burnt property, murdered and virtually brought the law and order situation to a stand still. In fact, the barbaric call for “An eye for an eye” has been the dominant political slogan, and now there is no rule of law in the Darjeeling district of West Bengal.

The Government of West Bengal has failed to curb this secessionist movement. Its only business is to divert this movement into animosity against the Central Government to try and procure some advantage in the elections. Whatever may be the objectives of the communists, the people of West Bengal have understood their selfish intentions. The law-abiding citizens of West Bengal are extremely concerned with the rapes, murders, police firings and large-scale violence which has occurred recently.

In fact, the Gorkhaland issue is not an isolated political problem of a particular ethnic community, but an artificial issue initially created by the undivided Communist Party of India and their agents. In 1977 the Marxists, with the sole intention of grabbing political power in West Bengal, began to arouse the Gorkha sentiment by demanding autonomy for the Gorkhas and the recognition of the Gorkhali language. The foolish, narrow-minded politcal leaders could not realize that their spurious policies would one day boomerang on them. Strangely, the communists are now trying to avoid the poisonous tree of Gorkhaland which they themselves planted. With their characteristic cunningness, they are trying to mislead the population of West Bengal by claiming that the Central Government is inspiring this secessionist movement.

Let the historic role of the communist party vis-a-vis the Gorkhaland movement be exposed! In 1947 the Communist Party, in collaboration with the communal and secessionist Muslim League, raised the slogan for the partition of West Bengal. At the same time they also raised the slogan for the formation of a separate land for the Gorkhas. In fact, the term “Gorkhaland” is 40 years old and was last used by the Indian communists. The communist party demanded that Gorkhaland should comprise Sikhim, parts of Nepal and a few districts of North Bengal, including Darjeeling. This would be the separate homeland of the Gorkhas. In order to create a solid political base amongst the Gorkhas, the communists raised the Gorkhaland issue, but at that time the movement was not very effective.

In 1977, when the communists came to power in West Bengal, the old political leaders of the Marxist Communist Party revived the old Gorkhaland sentiment which has now transformed the northern part of the state into a land of utter chaos and bloodshed. Innocent, peace-loving Bengalees are now fleeing from their houses in Darjeeling in terror, and becoming refugees in the adjoining districts of Coochbihar, Jalpaiguri, etc. In their home state, the Bengalees are virtually refugees. But the Gorkhas, who are the real outsiders, are demanding that the Bengalees quit Darjeeling.

The Lepchas and Bhutias – the original inhabitants of Darjeeling district – belong to the Coch tribe. The Coch people are the original Bengalees. A part of their population settled on both sides of the Saḿcoch River in Sikhim and Bhutan, and another group migrated from Barendrabhum, the northernmost part of Bengal, and settled in the hilly regions further north. The Lepchas and Bhutias have always remained associated with the mainstream of Bengali life and culture. The Gorkhas are clearly the outsiders.

About 200 years ago, the Gorkhas came from outside Bengal in search of a livelihood and began to settle in the Darjeeling hills. According to the 1872 census report, their number was so negligible that they were too inconsequential to be recorded, and it was merely mentioned that they were outsiders. The upper hilly regions were inhabited by the Lepchas and Bhutias, and the plains were inhabited by the Bengalees.

In addition, a major percentage of the population who introduce themselves as the Nepalese and live in the Darjeeling hills are not Gorkhas at all. 15 Nepali ethnic groups like the Tamang, Gurung, Newari, etc. live in the Darjeeling area. They are not Gorkhas nor is their language Gorkhali. In fact, Gorkhali is a dialect of a very small community. Just as there is no language called the Indian language – in India there are as many as 323 major or minor languages and dialects and all these languages are Indian languages – likewise in Nepal there are about 32 languages and dialects, and each of them is a Nepali language. Gorkhali is not even the official language of Nepal. The Gorkhas, though a small ethnic community, have demanded Gorkhaland to fulfil their petty selfish interests, misleading the other simple, innocent tribes living in the Darjeeling hills.

There is no historical, social or economic justification behind the Gorkhaland movement. The Lepchas and Bhutias who are the children of the soil, outnumber the Ghorkas. So, those who are raising the bogey of Ghorkhaland have only blackened their hands in a dangerous political game. Just as the Gorkhali language is the language of a small minority and should not be imposed upon a large community, similarly the Gorkas are a small community who live in the Darjeeling hills and should not be allowed to indulge in provocative politics. Such politics have been operating for the last 40 years behind the Gorkhaland movement. The Gorkhas who departed from Shikim, Bhutan and Assam gathered in the Darjeeling hills. The Left Front Government of West Bengal has cleared the jungles and built settlements for them, and declared Gorkhali the official language. It is the Marxists who have induced the Gorkhas to raise the bogey of a Gorkha homeland. This is an example of the dangerous, nasty politics practised by the Marxists in Bengal.

Now, what does the constitution of India say with regard to this issue? A written constitution gives better shelter to the people than an unwritten one. The constitutions of India, France and the USA are written while the constitution of Britain is unwritten, but it is known to everybody. According to India’s constitutional provisions, specific tribal areas enjoy certain constitutional rights. That is, where there is the possibility of the tribals being dominated by the non-tribals, the tribals enjoy certain constitutional rights. Some examples of tribals are the Garos, the Khasias, the Kacharis who live in some districts of Assam, and the Mizos. The provisions of the Indian constitution are for the tribals only, not for any other groups, and they are relevant only to northeast India, not for any other area, not even for the tribals living in other parts of India. Such rights are only desirable for a very short time.

Tripura does not come within the scope of these constitutional provisions, but despite this the communist party tried to exploit the situation there. It passed the Tribal Hill Council Bill by abusing its powers in the assembly. This bill violates the provisions of the Indian constitution and is ultravires to the people of India.

In Bengal the Gorkha Hill Council in Darjeeling is also against the provisions of the Indian constitution because the Gorkhas are not tribals. The pact between certain selfish communist leaders and the Gorkha chiefs is not only illegal but unconstitutional. Constitutionally, the Gorkhas do not enjoy the rights specified in the Gorkha Hill Council Act. Those who signed this pact have betrayed universal fraternity. The Government-Gorkha pact has nothing to do with the tribals, and from this point of view it is illegal and unconstitutional. It will not be upheld in the Supreme Court if a proper judgement is given.

	Prout in a Nutshell Volume 4 Part 19 [a compilation]

Greater Bengal

The Bengali race, which is a blending of the Austric, Mongolian and Negroid races, was created about 5000 years ago. Saḿskrta was the language of the land of Bengal before 5000 years ago, hence Saḿskrta is the guiding language of Bengali. The Bengali language underwent a transformation about 1200 years ago. At this time the area of Bengal included the entire present day Bengal, the Jhanpa district of Nepal, the entire eastern portion of Bihar, all of Bangladesh and Burma, the plain portion of Meghalay, and certain portions of Pragjyotispur, Barpeta, Kamrup and Naogaon in Assam. This was the area of the land of Bengal. Today there are two types of Bengali expressions – Indian Bengali and Bangladeshi Bengali. There should be a proper assimilation or blending of both these types.

Bangladesh was created due to the folly of the Indian leaders during the independence movement. They were also responsible for the creation of Assam and Meghalaya. Now the original land of Bengal is Balkanized, and the only reason for the continuation of this situation is the disunity amongst the Bengali people. The unity amongst the Bengali people is the main requirement necessary to solve this problem.

Certain portions of the original land of Bengal are now in Assam. In 1912 during the period of Lord Curzon, because of the folly of national leaders, Bengal was partitioned. After the movement against the partition of Bengal, Bengal was reunited in 1912, but certain portions in Assam and Orissa remained outside the jurisdiction of Bengal. The leaders at that time accepted this plan so there was no objection to this division. This situation should not be allowed to continue. All the portions of Bengal should be reunited. What is essential for Bengal is to develop a sense of unity. Bengal will be de-Balkanized when this unity is developed.

The people of Bengal are more black in the west and southwest, and more yellow in the north and northeast. The people of Bengal have almost the same blood relationship.

The area of Bangalistan consists of the following regions – West Bengal, Tripura, the Bengali speaking areas of Assam, Bihar, Orissa and parts of Nepal, and Bangladesh. How will you unite the fragments and fractures of Bengal? Throughout this area there is socio-economic disparity. In Bangladesh the people suffer from suffocation and natural calamities because there are no develoment schemes. For example, in many places there is only one crop a year and the rest of the time the land is vacant. There should be development schemes in Bangladesh to raise the standard of living of the Bangladesh people. The economic standard of India should also be raised but Bangladesh should be raised more rapidly. Only when there is economic parity amongst Tripura, Bengal and Bangladesh, should India and Bangladesh become united.

Should the people of Bangladesh and Tripura be rehabilitated in West Bengal? No, not at this stage, as this will hamper the development of the people of West Bengal. The best approach is to work for the economic upliftment of the people of Tripura and Bangladesh to ensure their long-term socio-economic progress. There should be a constructive socio-economic movement in Bangladesh. This should include technical education, agricultural development and movements which guide the people away from dogma. All religions encourage centres of dogma. Education should not preach dogma. Education should be free from all the influences of dogma. Next to Indonesia, Bangladesh’s population is saturated and about to burst. As there is disparity in Tripura and Bangladesh, we should think more for the development of Tripura and Bangladesh. Other than the Bengali speaking districts of Dhubri, Goalpara and Barpeta, the economic development of Assam is somewhat satisfactory.

For the development of Bangladesh, what should be done and what should not be done? The main raw materials of Bangladesh are raw jute and hide. Alternatives to jute should be developed, especially in the jute producing centres like the Narayangunge block of Dacca district. Also, there should be maximum utilization of the land by introducing mixed cropping and crop rotation. The adversities of Bangladesh include the education system, natural calamities, malnutrition and lack of economic development.

In Tripura there are two varieties of paddy crops – áus and boro. In Assam there are two major valleys – the Brahmaputra and Barak valleys. In the Karimgange block of Barak valley the quality of bamboo is good and this can be used in the paper industry. Sweet potato and sugar beet can also be grown in the same area. There should be four crops in a year. Synthetic fibre for clothing, medicine, jams, etc. can be manufactured from pineapple. Medicine is made from the leaves of the pineapple plant. Banana stems and leaves can also be utilized, and after the banana plant is burnt, sodium and sodium nitrate can be collected and utilized in the soap industry. Jackfruit grows well in Assam and Tripura, and honey and natural paraffin wax can also be produced.

In Tripura there is laterite soil. In this soil small oranges of the Sylhet variety, cashew nuts and papaya can be grown. Also, small scale industries should be developed. In Amarpur block synthetic rubber should be encouraged in place of natural rubber. This also applies to Jampui Hill region in Panisagar block. Peas, peanuts and white sesame can also be grown. There are good possibilities for utilizing oil and natural gas as well as harnessing solar energy. Solar energy is of a permanent nature and will not run out. Solar energy can also be collected in batteries. Why should energy be imported from outside Tripura?

	Prout in a Nutshell Volume 4 Part 19 [a compilation]

[This section was also printed separately as “Some Developmental Programmes for Bengal” in Proutist Economics. This is the Proutist Economics, 1st edition, version.]

Some Developmental Programmes for Bengal

Much can be done to develop the socio-economic potential of Bengal, but to do this you will have to know a great deal about the local area and put this knowledge to practical use. What are the main production towns in Bengal? What are the major cities – that is, which are the places with populations of more than 100,000 people? What is the source of the daily drinking water? Is it artesian water or rain water? Are there any hygiene problems among the people in these cities? What is the main source of income of the citizens there? And what is the source of their socio-economic livelihood? Is it based on agriculture, industry or commerce? To develop the local area, you will have to know the answers to questions such as these.

Let us briefly examine the economic potential of a few areas such as Birbhum district, Digha, and Bankura district.

If one travels from the north to the south of Birbhum district, one can observe two types of land, particularly in the area of Tarapith – high land and low land. In Nanur block near Labhpur the land is high, and in the Mayureswar block it is low. The main physical characteristic of the people in these two areas is that their height varies – in the high land the people are comparatively tall, and in the low land they are comparatively short. Similarly, in the eastern portion of Birbhum district the people are comparatively tall, and in the western portion the people are comparatively short. The western portion of Birbhum district is much more developed than the eastern portion. People have skin disease in the high land region. Birbhum district was formed in 1856 by combining Suri, Rampurhat, Dumka and Deoghar, and certain portions of Murshidabad district.

About 1,200 years ago Upabanga or Shriibhum included Sylhet, Noakhali, Chattala and Tripura. Banga or Barak was situated on the eastern side of the Padma River, while Barendrabhum was situated on the northern side of the Padma. The original region of Bengal included five areas – Ráŕh, Samatat, Banga, Barendra and Mithila. Collectively these five areas were called “Pancha Gaur” or the “Five Sweet Lands”. Pancha means “five” and gaur means “sweet”.

After Caetanya Deva initiated the tribals of Tripura, they adopted the title Devaburman – deva came from Caetanya Deva, while burman means “tribal”. Mu-Chang-Fa, who originally led these tribals into Tripura from northern Burma, was greatly impressed by Caetanya’s philosophy and the Bengali language he spoke, so he and his royal court embraced Bengali culture.

In the Kamalpur block in Tripura the soil is composed of granite rock and is very suitable for the cultivation of cashew nuts and pineapples. Horticulture can best be developed in Sonamura, Belonia and Kamalpur blocks.

The topographical order of the entire state of Tripura is shaped like a saucer. Potatoes can be grown twice a year. Two types of potatoes can grow in Tripura – red skinned and white skinned.

What is the source of water in the Salema block in North Tripura? The block headquarters is in Kailasahar. The main source of water is the Dhalai River coming from Longthorai Hill. During the rainy season there is plenty of water, but in the dry season there is a shortage.

Now let us discuss Digha. Previously Digha was known as “Diirghaka” – diirgha means “long” and ka means “land” – then it became “Diirghá” and today it is “Digha”. Ramnagar, a town near Digha, was named after Ramnarayan Hata, the last maharaja of Midnapore district. Kánthi then became the district headquarters. The British moved their headquarters to Kánthi after a large storm engulfed Ramnagar, but they changed the name Kánthi to Contai as there was another district headquarters with a similar sounding name. The area around Digha used to be predominantly Buddhist.

The beach at Digha is the broadest in the world. Throughout Digha district along the seashore, there should be large-scale afforestation of samudric jhau trees to check oceanic storms. If these storms are checked, many types of plants can be grown successfully. Coconut grows especially well. If you travel by car about five kilometres west of Digha, there are dense forests along the coast. However, there is no stone retaining walls on the beach to stop the encroachment of sea. Approximately every seven years large storms come and wash away the trees, which is why many of the trees do not get a chance to grow very tall. If the trees are not replanted along the beach and no retaining walls are constructed, there will be much erosion and the intensity of the storms will not be checked.

The train line should go up to Bhograi, not just to Digha. At Bhograi, the Suvarnareka River merges into the sea. Bhograi is at present in Orissa. A port should be built there to export such commodities as coconut, fish, betel nut, betel leaf and good quality cashew nuts, rather than their going through the Calcutta Port. This will help the socio-economic development of the region. A marine drive should also be constructed along the length of the Digha beach to attract tourists and make its scenic beauty accessible to the people.

Finally, let us discuss Bankura district. The entire Bankura district can be divided into three categories. First, there is the Visnupur subdivision, excluding the Indus block. The soil in this area does not have much capacity to retain water. The land is neither completely plain nor wavy. The aman variety of paddy grows well, while áus paddy and boro paddy do not grow so well. Planning should provide for proper irrigation facilities and drainage.

Secondly, there is the Indus block. This area is plain land, but the soil cannot hold much water. It is very similar to the soil of the bordering Burdwan district. So the agricultural planning of this area should be undertaken together with Burdwan district. Agriculture is the main source of livelihood for the people in this area.

Thirdly, there is the Khatra subdivision and the remaining portion of Bankura district. Here the land is wavy and there are numerous scattered clusters of a few huts. The water flows down the sloping land quickly, and the water retaining capacity of the soil is low compared to the rest of the district. Proper planning for irrigation needs to be undertaken. The land is low in agricultural potentiality but it is rich in mineral wealth. In the southern portion of this area huge deposits of coal, mica, silver and copper can be found. The adjacent Manbhum area (which falls within Purulia district) also has huge reserves of copper. To the south of the road connecting Purulia and Bankura, huge deposits of minerals can be found. Industries based on these mineral resources should be properly planned and developed.

The soil in Bankura district is good for horticulture, so this industry should also be properly planned and organized. For example, grapes, sweet lemons, papayas and guavas grow very well. The soil around Taldanga block is good for the cultivation of gourd. The entire area should be divided according to the potential of agriculture, horticulture and minerals. Developmental planning should be formulated accordingly.

The state language of the Arakan range was Bengali, which was introduced by the poet Syed Mohammed Alaoal who lived in the Belonia district of Bangladesh.

In Howrah district the silk industry is not in good condition, and most of the silk now comes from Malda district. Mango has not been developed into an industry. In Amta block in Howrah district, Kendua or Kendermath is a large fertile area which has ideal paddy land. Is there scope to develop any new large-scale or medium-scale industries in Amta subdivision? What are the rivers in this area? Is the source of water perennial? What is the socio-economic condition of your block?

In Badampahar, in the Bhanjabhum area of Keonjahar district in Orissa, there are reserves of iron ore. The maharaja of that area started a narrow gauge train to transport iron ore. Today the Tata Company still utilizes the same train to carry iron ore. There is also a plentiful supply of babui grass, which is being used to make rope by the local people. It can also be used to manufacture paper. The mother tongue of the Mahatos in Bhanjabhum is suppressed.

To develop the industrial potential of any region you should take into consideration factors such as the power and water reserves, the community problems, the land and soil conditions, the mixed farming potential, the availability of raw materials, and the development of local industries.

	Prout in a Nutshell Volume 4 Part 19 [a compilation]

The Original Inhabitants of Bengal

The original inhabitants of Bangalistan include the Rajbanshis from North Bengal; the Mahatos from Ráŕh; the Cakmas from Chattagram and Tripura; the Mahisyas from Midnapore and 24 Paraganas; the Sadgopes from Birbhum; the Namashudras from Jessore and Khulna; and the Ugra Kśatriyas from Burdwan. These original Bengalees may be called the “Játa Bengalees”.

The proof that these communities are the original Bengalees is that they are situated in numerous adjacent villages throughout the regions they inhabit. Village after village of these original inhabitants are located together. They do not populate one or two isolated villages, nor are there merely several people from these communities scattered in a few villages throughout the region. This proves the the local people were consolidated in particular areas. In contrast, the Brahmins and the Kayasthas are found in only a few villages and are few in number, thus we cannot be sure that they are the original inhabitants of Bengal. They may have come from other parts of Bengal to do some special kind of work, as priests for example, or they may have come from outside Bengal.

Whenever you plan any developmental programme for Bengal, you should keep the interests of the Játa Bengalees uppermost, as they are the original inhabitants and taken together comprise the majority community. If they are benefited, the whole of Bangalistan will be benefited.

The original name of the Bengali community was “Kaebarta” meaning “a community of fishermen”. They were divided into five groups – the Namashudras in the east; the Rajabangshir in the north; the Mahisyas in the south; the Sadgopes in the northern part; and the Mahatos in the west. Mahato came from “Mahatma”. These original five communities were not tribals.

In Bengal there are many small groups of people speaking non-Sanskritic languages. For example, Indo-Tibetan and several other languages. These groups are known as “tribals” – those speaking non-Sanskritic languages. The Játa Bengalees are the indigenous population of Bengal and speak a pure Sanskritic language.

Human society is one and indivisible, so Bangalistan must not go against the interests or spirit of universal humanity. This is a must. You have to see the interests of the place where you remain, but you should not go against the spirit of universal humanity. Do not waste your time in dialects and sub-dialects as this is the approach of analysis. All dialects should merge in the main language. This is the approach of synthesis.